Eteron – Institute for Research and Social Change commissioned aboutpeople to conduct a large-scale survey focusing on voters of parties positioned to the right of New Democracy, addressing three key questions:
The nationwide survey, titled “The X-Ray of the Far-Right,” was conducted with a sample of 3,058 men and women from October 17 to October 20, 2023.
When asked, “How happy do you feel these days?” the responses were as follows:
No significant differences are observed among voters of the four parties—or even among voters of other parties. However, it is noteworthy that Niki voters report the highest level of positive emotions.
On the question, “How much do you trust other people?” the responses were:
This question reveals a significant difference between Spartiates and Greek Solution voters, compared primarily to ND voters and, secondarily, to Niki voters. Interestingly, the trust levels among ND voters are almost identical to those of SYRIZA, PASOK, and the Communist Party of Greece (KKE).
When asked, “How dissatisfied or satisfied are you with the way democracy functions in Greece?” the responses were:
Among voters of the three right-wing parties, overwhelming dissatisfaction with democracy’s functioning is recorded. By contrast, ND voters show the highest satisfaction rate (60.8%) compared to voters of any other party.
On the question, “Is dictatorship sometimes preferable to democracy?” the responses were:
While widespread dissatisfaction with democracy does not generally translate into questioning democracy itself, voters of the three right-wing parties exhibit the highest levels of sympathy for dictatorial solutions. However, positive responses among Spartiates voters are 20 percentage points higher than those of Greek Solution and Victory voters. ND voters show significantly lower support for dictatorial solutions compared to these parties, but their positive responses are still higher than those of SYRIZA (5.7%), KKE (4.9%), and PASOK (9.1%).
On a sympathy scale (1 = complete dislike, 9 = complete sympathy), the average scores across the entire sample were:
The three right-wing parties scored the lowest average sympathy levels, with high percentages at the extreme low end (rating of 1): Spartiates (74.9%), Greek Solution (63%), and Victory (65.4%). Among Spartiates voters, positive ratings (6-9) reached only 6.2%, for Greek Solution 9.3%, and for Victory 7.1%. These parties remain relatively isolated within the electorate beyond their own voter base, although a broader audience sympathetic to them exists beyond those who vote for them.
No significant relationship emerges from the sympathy scale between ND voters and those of the three far-right parties. Sympathy levels are very low, with ND voters even expressing greater sympathy for the KKE (2.38%). Similarly, mutual “coolness” is observed among voters of the three right-wing parties. Despite slight variations, the scale does not suggest the existence of a cohesive political community among the three far-right parties’ voter bases.
When asked, “How close do you feel to the party you voted for in the June elections?” the responses were:
When asked, “Do you obtain information about party activities from members and friends of the party?” the responses were:
When asked, “Are you a member of the party and obtain direct information about its activities?” the responses were:
Regarding proximity to the party they voted for, Elliniki Lysi voters align with the average, Spartiates voters fall below, and Niki voters score significantly lower. ND voters report the highest levels of closeness, even compared to the KKE.
Regarding the question of whether you have participated in a strike in recent years, the responses are as follows:
Regarding participation in mobilizations related to the Tempi train disaster:
Regarding participation in protests against mandatory vaccination:
Regarding mobilizations against the new ID cards:
Regarding protests against the Prespa Agreement:
Survey responses indicate that half of the voters of the three parties protested against the Prespa Agreement, and one-third protested against mandatory vaccination. In contrast, the new ID cards did not inspire significant mobilization. Overall, activism does not appear to be a defining characteristic of these voters, but the difference compared to ND voters is striking regarding mobilization levels.
In the question about which side you feel closer to in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict:
Regarding the Russia-Ukraine war:
In the Gaza war, the dominant response among voters of the three parties is “neither side.” However, in the Ukraine war, Spartan and Elliniki Lysi voters lean significantly pro-Russia, while Niki voters favor neutrality. The differences between ND voters and voters of the far-right parties are significant. ND voters adopt a pro-Western stance, reflecting government foreign policy, while skepticism toward the West prevails among far-right voters.
When asked whether Greece’s participation in the EU is positive, responses are as follows:
On the question of whether Greece should return to the drachma:
On whether globalization is a threat to Greece:
Voters of the three parties exhibit Euroscepticism, evaluating Greece’s participation in the EU negatively (to a lesser extent among Victory voters) and favoring a return to the drachma. Interestingly, the call for a return to the drachma is much more prevalent on the far-right of the political spectrum than on the left. The three parties’ voters also overwhelmingly reject globalization. The contrast with ND voters is stark, particularly regarding the EU and globalization. Moreover, considering responses on wars, ND voters present a strong pro-Western profile, while far-right voters show significant skepticism toward the West.
On whether the Prespa Agreement was bad for Greece’s interests:
On whether defense spending should increase:
On whether Greeks are a unique people distinguished by intelligence and culture:
There is widespread opposition to the Prespa Agreement among ND and far-right party voters. A similar pattern emerges on increasing defense spending, though Elliniki Lysi voters show notable differentiation. Agreement on the significance of Greek culture is strong across all groups, indicating that a certain perception of national identity unites ND voters and those of the far-right parties.
On whether Greece needs a party to represent Orthodox values:
On whether religion plays an important role in life:
Apart from national identity, there is a strong desire among far-right party voters for a party to represent Orthodox values. However, religion itself does not play a significant role in respondents’ lives, except among Niki voters.
On whether April 21 had positive aspects:
Positive opinions about the junta are highest among voters of the three far-right parties. However, about one-quarter of these voters hold negative views about the dictatorship. Nonetheless, a predominantly positive assessment of the junta era is common among voters of Spartiates, Elliniki Lysi, and Niki. It is worth noting the 23.9% of positive responses among ND voters.
On whether Golden Dawn could have been a useful party if it had not engaged in criminal activities:
Following its designation as a criminal organization, Golden Dawn has been discredited, even among Spartiates voters. However, its political rhetoric retains notable appeal. The 19.5% support for a “legal Golden Dawn” could be considered a potential ceiling for the far-right in Greece.
On whether there were no casualties during the Polytechnic Uprising:
A notable portion of voters from far-right parties disputes the existence of casualties during the Polytechnic Uprising, with Spartiates voters exhibiting the highest percentage of agreement with this statement.
On preference between a market-based or centrally planned economic system:
On whether the state intervenes insufficiently in the economy, leaving private actors unchecked:
While voters of far-right parties favor a market economy, they also support state intervention to prevent unchecked private sector activity. ND voters similarly balance market support with state intervention, albeit leaning more strongly toward market-driven solutions. These findings highlight a broadly cross-party trend in Greek society valuing a mix of market economy and state regulation.
On whether same-sex marriage should be allowed:
On whether same-sex couples should be allowed to adopt children:
Same-sex marriage now enjoys majority support, a shift from previous surveys. However, voters of far-right parties overwhelmingly oppose it, with even stronger resistance to adoption by same-sex couples. Opposition to LGBTQ+ rights appears to be a key ideological issue for far-right voters. ND voters show growing, albeit limited, support for LGBTQ+ rights compared to left-wing parties.
On whether abortion should be banned:
On whether a woman’s primary role should be that of a mother:
Far-right party voters differ starkly from others in favoring abortion bans, with Elliniki Lysi and Victory voters leading in support. On traditional gender roles, they emphasize motherhood as a woman’s primary role, further highlighting the ideological gap between these voters and those of ND, as well as centrist and left-wing parties.
On whether the death penalty should be reinstated:
While opinions are split overall, far-right party voters strongly favor the reinstatement of the death penalty, with Spartiates showing the highest support. Victory voters, influenced by Christian values, show comparatively lower but still significant support.
On limiting the right to protest when public order is threatened:
On whether police are excessively violent during protests:
Far-right voters appear conflicted on protest issues. They are divided on restricting demonstrations but broadly agree that police use excessive force. This contrasts with ND voters, who lean heavily toward a traditional “law and order” stance.
A deeply negative attitude toward immigration is evident, especially among far-right voters, who overwhelmingly see migrants as cultural and economic threats. ND voters share these views to a significant extent, particularly on crime and cultural impact, highlighting an ideological convergence on this issue.
Far-right voters are highly susceptible to pseudoscientific and conspiracy theories, particularly on climate change and vaccines. ND voters are less influenced by such views, indicating a substantial gap between mainstream and far-right voters on these topics.
a) Shared Ideological Traits:
The three far-right parties share a common ideological core, albeit with variations, especially among Victory voters, who are more influenced by Christian values. Despite ideological similarities, each party caters to a distinct audience.
b) Relationship with ND:
While there are points of convergence between ND voters and far-right voters, especially on immigration, significant divergences on key issues like the EU, globalization, democracy, and protests indicate that the far-right cannot yet be considered part of a cohesive “blue coalition.”