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﻿Generation Z is a generation

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that has been born
and has developed

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in moments of crisis
that have been extremely intense

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and have, say,
interacted with each other.

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Donatella Della Porta is a professor
of political science

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and dean of the Faculty of Political
and Social Sciences

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at the Scuola Normale Superiore.

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Her work is a world reference
in the field of social movement studies.

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What are the main findings
of the research

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you have conducted
on the Millennials’ protests?

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I think that the concept of generation
is, in general, very important

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in the development of a critical view
on injustice of different types,

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intersectionally addressing
the issues of injustice

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in social terms, in gender terms,
in racial terms and so on.

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And it has done so also starting
from an acknowledgement

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of some specific characteristics
of Millennials’ own experiences.

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So, what we have studied is especially
the mobilised part of this generation.

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Τhose who were politically active.

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What we saw is that it is a generation
that defines itself as precarious

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not only in terms of the work conditions

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but also, more generally,
in terms of their life experience.

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And it is so because there is
at the same time

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a reduction of the type of protections
on the labour market,

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but also a decline in general
of social rights

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that affects this generation
in a very deep way,

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changing the perceptions
of what their life is going to be,

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procrastinating the achievement
of some of the main steps

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in the process of entering societies.

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It is also a generation
that has a strong sense of betrayal,

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of being betrayed not only
from the previous generations

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but mostly from the political
and social system

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that does not include
the Millennial generation

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in the political and social process.

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And it feels betrayed not only
from the government but also, often,

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from those parties that are supposed
to care about social injustice.

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Nevertheless, it is a generation
that doesn't despair

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because it is very committed
to transformation.

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We know this because besides
the research that we have done

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on the most mobilised side
of this generation,

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what we learn looking at opinion polls

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is that against the expectations
of depoliticization,

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in reality in many countries
this generation

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has been characterised
by high sense of commitment,

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high tolerance and sensibilities
to issues of rights in general.

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What are the differences

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between the politicisation
of Gen Zers and that of the Millennials?

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What we pointed out in our research
is that also for activists,

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generations are short cohorts,
smaller groups,

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because their understanding
of generations

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is very much related
to specific experiences

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that have been living through
adolescent life

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and it is also very much affected
by the specific characteristics

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of social movements in that period.

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For instance, what I mean
is that the protests against austerity

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had different types of effects
for the Millennial generation

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in Greece or in Germany

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because they had different
degrees of intensity,

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and so also different capacity
to involve the young generation.

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Considering these differences

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and the differences in the definition
of generations itself,

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I think that what we can say

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is that the Millennial generation
has been characterised by experiences

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of very broad movements,

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that have been able
to have an impact

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also on the political and social level,

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but especially at the cultural level
in several European countries.

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Generation Z is a generation
that has been born and has developed

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in moments of crisis
that have been extremely intense

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and have interacted with each other.

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So, the financial crisis
was not yet over in several countries,

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in particular in European peripheries
like Southern Europe,

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and the pandemic crisis arrived,

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and the climate crisis became
more and more visible

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and now there is a military crisis.

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So, it is a generation
that has been embedded in a situation

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not only of crisis
but also of multiple crises.

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In different countries
it's this generation

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that undergoes different types
of experiences.

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So the pandemic times

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had a particularly high impact
on this generation.

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But also, in some countries
the political experience of participation

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has been quite important,
think about Chile for instance,

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that during the pandemic
was able as a country

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to put forward and develop
the seeds of a change

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that has been already developed
in 2019 in pre-pandemic time.

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Young Generation Z has been
very much involved in Lebanon

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in the protest for democracy,
in Catalunya, in several countries,

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so it has been also
a mobilised generation.

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But we still have to see which type
of opportunities were created.

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What psychological impact
have the past decade’s crises,

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such as the economic recession
and the pandemic, had on the Millennials?

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I am not a psychologist
but what we see

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in studying the mobilised part
of this generation

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is that the personal life conditions
are very relevant for the mobilisations.

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So, we have seen
that many of the protests,

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like the Fridays for Future
and the Black Lives Matter

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that we mentioned before,
have been characterised

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by a strong degree of reflections,

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self-reflexivity on their own
conditions of life.

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While in the past, progressive
movements and movement activists

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tended to focus
on the collective experiences,

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these movements also put
a lot of attention

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on the ways in which people individually
live through these experiences.

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And the sufferance related to the multiple
types of exclusions and insecurity

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related also with all these crises
has been part and parcels

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also of the discourse
of the Fridays for Future

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that stress their own conditions
as a generation that is denied a future,

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the possibility to decide
on a future life and so on.

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Of course, at the individual level, then,

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the way of reacting to these feelings
of insecurity could be very different.

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What we saw in the protests
that I mentioned

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is that this generation is not totally
resourceless

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because they have also been
very much able

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to use their skills
in technological issues,

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to trigger responses
to these conditions,

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also in quite inventive ways
and effective ways.

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What is the correlation

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between the use of social media
and youth movements?

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The activists we interviewed
were very explicit

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in connecting their own general experience
of social interactions

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with their online experience.

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And they did so also in criticising

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the ways in which social movement
organisations are often organised.

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So, I remember
one of the interviewees saying:

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“Yes, we are the generation
that is always texting

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and is accustomed
to very fast connections.

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We are not a generation
that can sit two hours in a room

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to talk about let's say
generic issues.”

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And the experience with technologies
pushes towards often the search

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for very rapid responses but also
on the positive sense of creativity.

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And this is something
that we have seen

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in the Black Lives Matter protest
for instance.

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Pragmatic use of very different forms
of communications

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elaborated by young people.

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From what we saw in our research,

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there is much more attention also
to politicise the private sphere of life.

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Μany of the groups we studied
made by young activists

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were focusing their activities
also on issues of sports and Art

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and they said “we need to do this
because this is a precarious generation,

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is often a generation
that doesn't have time,

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that needs to have three jobs
to attend universities

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that are more and more requiring
fast commitment in learning and so on.

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So, we cannot ask people
to sacrifice

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the small amount of free time
they have, we have to politicise it.”

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I think this is important

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and another general observation
on communications

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is the fact that the young activists
are online doesn't mean

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that they are not offline.

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The communicational skills are influenced
by the experiences online

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but are also made by different forms
of interactions offline.

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And this is already a lesson
from the 2011 protest

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that the activists
had already learned before.

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So, the movements of the squares
were such because the activists

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had realised that they cannot mobilise
only on facebook,

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or only on twitter by tweeting,

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that you have to use
these instruments,

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but you also have
to meet other people.

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And this is something that
from the Millennial generation

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went also into the Z generation
with the presence very often

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of forms of protest
that are also forms

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in which direct interactions
are facilitated.

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So, long types of protest

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are also made of moments
of interactions and exchanges

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face to face by the activists.

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How can social movements effectively
defend civil liberties

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and protect their protests
from police violence?

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I think communication
is one of these forms.

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What we saw in the protest
against the assassination of George Floyd

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is that what was very important
was that the killing was documented.

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This very skilled generation
is also very careful

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in acquiring and preserving
saving knowledge

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which is also particularly important

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because it is a type of knowledge
that is more able to stimulate emotions,

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negative but also positive ones.

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So, in a period of infodemic

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that is produced
on the several challenges

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from the pandemic to the war,

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I think that what is very important

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in terms of documenting,
of opposing repression

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is documenting repression
and making it visible

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and providing alternative knowledge
and counter-information.

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The process of Assange is an example
of how much repression

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connects activism
to the freedom of the Press.

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The Black Lives Matter protest
could also be taken as an example

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of how repressions can be resisted

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because it is not just a matter
of denouncing what happened

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and collecting evidence
of repression itself,

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but, then, it is also very much
a matter of spreading this information.

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And the successful global campaign
around the assassination of George Floyd

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was also indicating that the message
had then to be spread

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through different channels
and in different forms.

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For instance, what we saw
in our research

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was that memory was
very important for young people,

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connecting the memories of specific
acts of repressions with previous ones

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and also connecting
generational experiences

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with different forms of repressions.

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And I think this is particularly
relevant

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because besides the state forms
of repressions

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that activists are more accustomed to,
like repression of street protest,

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there are, more and more,
different forms of repressions

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through harassment
and stigmatisation in the mass media.

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The pacifist movement
is undergoing

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this very strong forms
of repressions in this moment.

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And there are also
what many movements denounce

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as the broad forms
of repressing rights.

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From the new generations
of women movements

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denouncing violence on women

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and other form of repression,

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to the physical forms of assassinations,

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like the assassinations of activists

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related to the climate justice movement
in the South

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by the government
but also by private actors.

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I am also thinking about
the racist assassinations and so on.

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I think that resisting repressions goes
also beyond resisting state repressions

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and imply thinking about
how to resist

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and oppose private forms of repressions,
cultural forms of repressions.

